‘A Shared Vision for the Indo-Pacific’: Remarks by Secretary of Defense Lloyd J. Austin III at the Shangri-La Dialogue (As Delivered)

Source: Defense.gov

June 2, 2023  

Well, good morning, everyone. 

It is indeed great to be back here for another Shangri-La Dialogue.

Let me thank John and everyone at IISS for their efforts to deepen our dialogue on the Indo-Pacific. You know, this is my third time speaking in Singapore at an IISS event. And so this is starting to be—it’s becoming a habit there, John. 

I also want to thank our national host, Singapore, for your tremendous hospitality.  

And it’s great to see Senior Minister Teo, and Minister Ng, and other distinguished guests from our host here today.

And I’m glad that we’re joined by so many defense ministers and leaders from around the Indo-Pacific and around the world.

One minister of defense made a special effort to be here today: my good friend Oleksii Reznikov of Ukraine. Oleksii’s seat is currently empty. I’m sure he’s working the room somewhere around here, but Oleskii, if you can hear me, I’d remind you that, I’d just tell you that your presence here reminds us that we can never take our peace and security for granted.

I’m also delighted to be here with Director Haines and many of our U.S. military leaders. 

So thanks to everyone for being here today.

This dialogue is always a great opportunity to exchange views. And the only thing more wide-ranging than the conference agenda is the breakfast buffet. 

[Laughter]

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Quad Leaders’ Joint Statement

MAY 20, 2023 Source: The White House

20 May 2023, Hiroshima

Today, we — Prime Minister Anthony Albanese of Australia, Prime Minister Narendra Modi of India, Prime Minister Kishida Fumio of Japan, and President Joseph R. Biden, Jr. of the United States — met for the third in-person Quad Leaders’ Summit, hosted by Prime Minister Albanese.

Together, we reaffirm our steadfast commitment to a free and open Indo-Pacific that is inclusive and resilient. The global strategic and economic environment is changing rapidly – with direct impacts on countries in the region. We believe we should navigate this time of uncertainty and opportunity together, working closely with our Indo-Pacific partners. We believe all countries have a role in contributing to regional peace, stability, and prosperity, as well as upholding international law, including the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the rules-based international order. We seek a region where no country dominates and no country is dominated – one where all countries are free from coercion, and can exercise their agency to determine their futures. Our four countries are united by this shared vision.
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Strategic Competition and Security Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

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Issues & Insights Vol. 23, SR3 – Strategic Competition and Security Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

Introduction

There is a growing acceptance among countries in the Indo-Pacific region that strategic competition between the United States and China is changing perceptions about security and the adequacy of the existing security architecture. While some have characterized the competition between the two as a new Cold War, it is clear that what is happening in the region is far more complex than the competition that characterized the original Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. First, the economic integration that has taken place since the early 1990s makes it much more difficult to draw bright ideological lines between the two sides. Further, the Asian context of the emerging competition is one where the two competitors have grown to share power. As the dominant military power, the United States has been the primary security guarantor in Asia and beyond. China, on the other hand, has emerged over the past decades as the primary economic catalyst in Asia and beyond. Currently, each side seems increasingly unwilling to accept that arrangement.

Download the full volume here.


Table of Contents

Introduction

Carl Baker

Chapter 1 | Southeast Asia Faces Its Boogeyman – Great Power Competition Returns to Southeast Asia in the 21st Century

Drew Thompson

Chapter 2 | Geoeconomics and Geopolitics in Southeast Asia

Thitinan Pongsudhirak

Chapter 3 | Economic Aspects of National Security

Brad Glosserman

Chapter 4 | China as a technological power: Chinese perspectives and the quantum case

Hoo Tiang Boon

Chapter 5 | Minilateral groupings as an alternative to multilateralism in an era of strategic competition

Thomas Wilkins

Chapter 6 | The Role of Indo-Pacific Economic Institutions in Shaping Security Competition

Prashanth Parameswaran

Chapter 7 | Economic Development Cooperation amid Indo-Pacific Strategic Competition

Gong Xue

Chapter 8 | Regional Security Cooperation in the US-China Strategic Competition

Kei Koga

Chapter 9 | Strategic Competition and Security Cooperation

Raymund Jose Quilop

Strategic Competition and Security Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific

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Introduction

There is a growing acceptance among countries in the Indo-Pacific region that strategic competition between the United States and China is changing perceptions about security and the adequacy of the existing security architecture. While some have characterized the competition between the two as a new Cold War, it is clear that what is happening in the region is far more complex than the competition that characterized the original Cold War between the United States and the Soviet Union. First, the economic integration that has taken place since the early 1990s makes it much more difficult to draw bright ideological lines between the two sides. Further, the Asian context of the emerging competition is one where the two competitors have grown to share power. As the dominant military power, the United States has been the primary security guarantor in Asia and beyond. China, on the other hand, has emerged over the past decades as the primary economic catalyst in Asia and beyond. Currently, each side seems increasingly unwilling to accept that arrangement.

Download the full volume here.

South Korea’s Indo-Pacific pivot strategy

By David Scott

David Scott (davidscott366@outlook.com) is member of the Center for International Maritime Security (CIMSEC) and is a prolific writer on Indo-Pacific geopolitics (www.d-scott.com/publications).

2022 ended with South Korea adopting specific Indo-Pacific terminology with the Dec. 28 release of its Strategy for a Free, Peaceful, and Prosperous Indo-Pacific Region (SFPPIP). The key takeaway: The SFPPIP, and President Yoon Suk Yeol, signal an end to South Korea’s “strategic ambiguity” under the previous president, Moon Jae-in. Seoul pivoting away from Beijing and toward Washington—delicately, but clearly.
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Canada’s strategy for the Indo-Pacific

Government of Canada

The Indo-Pacific region is of significant importance to Canada. Home to more than two thirds of the global population, it is the fastest-growing economic region in the world.

As a Pacific nation, Canada recognizes that the Indo-Pacific region is critically important for the long-term prosperity, health and security of Canadians. Beyond our 25,000 km of Pacific Ocean coastline, Canadians share history, culture, and long-standing trade and development ties with the people of the Indo-Pacific.

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United States and Indo-Pacific Economic Framework Partners Announce Negotiation Objectives

September 09, 2022 Office ò the US Trade Representative

LOS ANGELES – United States Trade Representative Katherine Tai and Secretary of Commerce Gina M. Raimondo hosted counterparts from the 13 Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF) partner countries – representing over 40% of the global economy – at the first official in-person Ministerial meeting. The ministers had positive and constructive discussions, and announced a substantial milestone in their pursuit of a high-standard and inclusive economic framework.
  
“This meeting was a chance to deepen our partnerships and fill in the details about how we will work collectively to address the challenges and opportunities that will define the 21st century,” said Ambassador Katherine Tai. “After several days of intensive discussions, we have made real progress toward that goal and I am excited to continue developing this Framework, which will unlock enormous economic value for our region and serve as a model for the rest of the world to follow.”

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FACT SHEET: Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States

FEBRUARY 11, 2022•SPEECHES AND REMARKS

“We envision an Indo-Pacific that is open, connected, prosperous, resilient, and secure—and we are ready to work together with each of you to achieve it.”
President Joe Biden
            East Asia Summit
October 27, 2021

The Biden-Harris Administration has made historic strides to restore American leadership in the Indo-Pacific and adapt its role for the 21st century. In the last year, the United States has modernized its longstanding alliances, strengthened emerging partnerships, and forged innovative links among them to meet urgent challenges, from competition with China to climate change to the pandemic. It has done so at a time when allies and partners around the world are increasingly enhancing their own engagement in the Indo-Pacific; and when there is broad, bipartisan agreement in the U.S. Congress that the United States must, too. This convergence in commitment to the region, across oceans and across political-party lines, reflects an undeniable reality: the Indo-Pacific is the most dynamic region in the world, and its future affects people everywhere.

That reality is the basis of the Indo-Pacific Strategy of the United States. This strategy outlines President Biden’s vision to more firmly anchor the United States in the Indo-Pacific and strengthen the region in the process. Its central focus is sustained and creative collaboration with allies, partners, and institutions, within the region and beyond it.

The United States will pursue an Indo-Pacific region that is:

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Overcoming the Tragedy of TPP

September 28, 2021

In common parlance today, the word “tragedy” is used to describe any ill fortune that befalls a person or group: a destructive earthquake, a fatal shooting, the death of a family member from disease. But to the ancient Greeks, tragedy involved an element of human error (hamartia), not just external circumstance. On this measure, the saga of the United States and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) would have given Sophocles enough material for an epic to rival Oedipus Rex.

From the start, TPP was marked by tragic irony—with China always in a supporting role. The George W. Bush administration notified Congress of its intent to negotiate a high-standard trade agreement with Asia-Pacific partners on September 22, 2008—one week into a global financial crisis that would severely undermine U.S. economic leadership and embolden Beijing. While quick to embrace TPP and successful in concluding an agreement among the parties, President Barack Obama fatally delayed pushing for trade promotion authority from Congress in 2014—choosing instead to name the chairman of the relevant Senate committee, Max Baucus, as his ambassador to China. And in one of his first, catastrophic acts as president, Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the unratified TPP—not understanding that it was one of the most powerful tools he had to compete with his nemesis, China.

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EU Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific


SOTEU BannerOn 19 April 2021, the Council adopted conclusions on an EU Strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific [1]. As a follow-up to the Council conclusions, the Commission and the High Representative presented a Joint Communication on the EU’s Indo-Pacific Strategy on 16 September 2021.

Why an EU Strategy for cooperation in the Indo-Pacific?

The Indo-Pacific region is increasingly becoming strategically important for the EU. The region’s growing economic, demographic, and political weight makes it a key player in shaping the international order and in addressing global challenges.

The EU and the Indo-Pacific are highly interconnected. The EU is already the top investor, the leading development cooperation partner and one of the biggest trading partners in the Indo-Pacific region. Together, the Indo-Pacific and Europe hold over 70% of the global trade in goods and services, as well as over 60% of foreign direct investment flows.

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Why Aukus is welcome in the Indo-Pacific

America’s efforts to strengthen deterrence of China are gathering momentum
GIDEON RACHMAN

James Ferguson illustration of Gideon Rachman column ‘Why Aukus is welcome in the Indo-Pacific’

© James Ferguson

The Australia-UK-US security pact — Aukus — has been greeted with rage in China and France. But more significant than the flamboyant anger in Beijing and Paris are the countries that are quietly applauding the agreement.

The many Indo-Pacific nations that are worried by China’s increasing belligerence look to America, not France, to balance Chinese power. Japan and India, the two largest economies in the region outside China, have welcomed Aukus. Later this week, the White House will host a summit meeting of the leaders of the Quad — the US, India, Japan and Australia. Week by week, the US is visibly strengthening its network of security relationships across the Indo-Pacific.

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What are the regional reactions to the new US-UK-Australia security pact?

By Mike Yeo Saturday, Sep 18 Defenseews

(fpm/Getty Images)

MELBOURNE, Australia — China has lashed out at plans by Australia to forge a closer alliance with the United States and the United Kingdom, which includes the sharing of nuclear-powered submarine technology. But other Indo-Pacific nations are reacting more cautiously.

Speaking during a news conference, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Zhao Lijian said the nuclear-powered submarine cooperation “has seriously undermined regional peace and stability, intensified the arms race and undermined international nonproliferation efforts.”

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US, UK and Australia announce Indo-Pacific defense partnership

DW

The US and UK will share nuclear-powered submarine technology with Australia as part of the new three-way defensive alliance. The move comes amid tense relations with China.

The leaders of Australia, the UK, and the US announced the formation of a new Indo-Pacific security alliance on Wednesday, which will include the sharing of nuclear-powered submarine technology.

The partnership will see the three countries share technology to improve their defensive capabilities, including cyber security, artificial intelligence and underwater systems.

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Joint Communication to the EU Parliament and Council, by the EU Commission and the High Representative of EU Foreign Affairs and Policy, on Strategy for Cooperation in the Indo Pacific

The Commission and the High Representative invite the European Parliament and the Council to endorse the approach set out in this Joint Communication and to work together on the implementation of its actions and their review.

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The PLA Beyond Borders: Chinese Military Operations in Regional and Global Context


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No longer confined to China’s land territory or its near abroad, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is conducting increasingly complex operations farther and farther from China’s continental borders. Within Asia, the PLA now regularly operates into the far reaches of the South China Sea and deep into the Western Pacific, enforcing China’s territorial claims and preparing to counter U.S. intervention in a regional conflict. Beyond Asia, the PLA is present on the ground, at sea, or in military exercises with foreign partners across the Indian Ocean and into the Middle East, Africa, and Europe. Foreign militaries now regularly encounter the PLA, whether in tense incidents or friendly contacts, on their home turf and in the global commons.

Drawn from a 2019 conference jointly organized by NDU, the RAND Corporation, and Taiwan’s Council on Advanced Policy Studies, The PLA Beyond Borders surveys the dimensions of Chinese operations within the Indo-Pacific region and globally. The international contributors look both at the underlying enablers of these activities, including expeditionary capabilities and logistics, command and control, and ISR systems, as well as new and evolving operational concepts and operational patterns. Employing different analytic lenses, they portray a reformed PLA accelerating the pace of its overseas operations and increasing its modernization not only in the traditional domains, but also in space and cyber.
 
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Contents
 
Acknowledgments
 
 
Introduction: The PLA Beyond Borders
Joel Wuthnow
 
Part I: Enabling Operations: Capabilities, Infrastructure, and Organizations

1 The PLA’s Expeditionary Force: Current Capabilities and Future Trends 
Kristen Gunness
2 Crossing the Strait: Recent Trends in PLA ‘Strategic Delivery’ Capabilities
Chung Chieh and Andrew N.D. Yang
3 China’s Overseas Base, Places, and Far Seas Logistics 
Isaac B. Kardon
4 PLA Command and Control of Overseas Operations 
Phillip C. Saunders
5 China’s Air and Maritime ISR in Coastal Defense and Near Seas Operations
Shinji Yamaguchi
6 The PLA Strategic Support Force: A “Joint” Force for Information Operations
John Chen, Joe McReynolds, and Kieran Green

Part II: Into Action: PLA Operational Concepts and Practice
 
7 Reassessing China’s Use of Military Force
Andrew Scobell
8 Bomber Strike Packages with Chinese Characteristics
Nathan Beauchamp-Mustafaga
9 PLA Operational Lessons from UN Peacekeeping
Joel Wuthnow
10 China’s Security Assistance in Global Competition: The Case of Africa
Jonah Victor
11 A New Type of Cross-Border Attack: The PLA’s Cyber Force
Ying-Yu Lin
12 Space and Chinese National Security: China’s Continuing Great Leap Upward
Dean Cheng

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