The winds of war have changed direction in Ukraine.
The illegal Russian offensive war against Ukraine has now been ongoing for over four years and continues with no end in sight.
But the beginning of 2026 has been positive for Ukrainian forces.
According to the think tank Institute for the Study of War, for the first time in two and a half years, Ukraine is taking more territory than it is losing to Russia, “A turning point in the war”
Hello everyone, this is my first time to write an answer on Quora so if there is any grammar error or problem with the words I choose to use, feel free to point it out :)).
As the other answers point out the general populace don’t really hate China.However if you look at the news or our social media you will see the case is not simple as it seems to be.
In Vietnam, much to our dismay the topic of China and its influence on us is raised too often. Culture, Economy, Politics and etc. When you have something in your tradition that literally says: INDEPENDENCE above all else ,you will be very displeased to see that your market can be seriously affected by some rich ass dude in Guangzhou decide to buy meat from the other side. China is discussed everyday on the media, on social platforms, TV reality show, TV history show etc. You think the opinions on the mainstream media are bad? Well wait until you hear the opinions of the public:Most (people who are very poorly informed on the topics I mentioned) is very critical and to some extent extreme regarding China. Contrary to the common belief of some Chinese people (yes I know the public in China can care less about Vietnam) ,the government is very lenient when it comes to discuss China.
Dạy thêm, học thêm chỉ là hệ quả của nền giáo dục còn nặng về học thi và nhiều rào cản khiến cho học sinh khó vào lớp 10 và đại học.
Vấn đề này sẽ được tháo gỡ khi Bộ Giáo dục và Đào tạo tiến hành phổ cập giáo dục đại học để giúp học sinh vào đại học dễ dàng. Đây là giải pháp gốc rễ cho tình trạng học thêm, dạy thêm vốn khó kiểm soát và gây tranh cãi tại VN suốt nhiều năm qua.
Rác thải công nghệ tại Việt Nam đang tăng rất nhanh, đặc biệt là rác điện tử (điện thoại, laptop, thiết bị gia dụng) và rác thải mới như tấm pin năng lượng mặt trời. Các loại rác này chứa nhiều kim loại nặng và hóa chất độc hại, gây nguy cơ lớn cho môi trường và sức khỏe cộng đồng.
Mặc dù Việt Nam đã có quy định như Luật Bảo vệ môi trường 2020 và cơ chế trách nhiệm mở rộng của nhà sản xuất (EPR), việc thực hiện vẫn còn nhiều hạn chế do hạ tầng thu gom – tái chế chưa đồng bộ, công nghệ xử lý còn lạc hậu và doanh nghiệp chưa thực hiện nghiêm túc. Trong tương lai, lượng rác thải công nghệ và tấm pin mặt trời sẽ tăng mạnh (dự báo hàng trăm nghìn tấn), vì vậy cần hoàn thiện chính sách, tăng đầu tư công nghệ tái chế hiện đại, xây dựng hệ thống thu gom hiệu quả và nâng cao ý thức người dân, doanh nghiệp.
Question: Why does Vietnam not want to become a neutral country like Switzerland? Why has Vietnam switched itself from pro-Russia, pro-China, anti-America to pro-America, anti-China? Why can’t Vietnam be consistent?
Answer: I think that your questions are interesting.
First of all, Why does Vietnam not want to become a neutral country like Switzerland?
I think that Vietnam has always wanted to become the Switzerland of Asia. However, the reality is different quite far from Vietnam’s wish.
Switzerland lies between these greatest Empires between France, Italy, Germany, and Austria (Former part of Austria-Hungary Empire) which this country could use one of them to re-balance with the others if it faces aggression from one. Together with its hard terrain, its strong fighting against invaders, having poor natural resources, most of the great powers in Europe agree about the neutral status for Switzerland. It means that its neutral status requires many factors but one of the most important things is that others agree with it. If not, Switzerland could have not become neutral.
So, we could sum up some factors to help Switzerland keeping its neutrality as follows;
Most people who are alive in Viet Nam today only know of one government under the leadership of one party: the Communist Party of Vietnam.
Literally, everything in their lives has something to do with the Party. Take it away and the whole thing may not even be able to stand. The Party has become a function of the State: its spirit and it has been performing admirably, all things considered.
These three people were military tech experts. One a top radar scientist, one a top missile guidance specialist, and one a nuclear weapons engineer. And there is an ongoing purge in China’s defense industry.
“Bệnh thành tích làm khổ hai cuộc đời” của hai đứa trẻ. “Còn những người bày đặt chuyện đó vẫn nhởn nhơ, thậm chí còn lên chức vì cả một bộ máy quản lý thể thao đồng loạt bao che nhau.” (Trích trong bài).
Stepping onto the Laos-China Railway (LCR) in Luang Prabang, the picturesque former royal capital in Northern Laos, brings a rush of aesthetic familiarity to anyone who has ridden the high-speed rail in China. From the train station massage chairs to the voice over the loudspeaker and the advertisements on seatbacks, the experience is decidedly Chinese. The result is both comforting and disorienting: riders feel they are not quite in China, but not quite all the way out of it either. China’s borderlands strategy of integration through connectivity results in borders that are blurred and shifted. The LCR is a physical manifestation of this new kind of borderland.
Opened in December 2021, the LCR is celebrated by China and Laos as a major accomplishment. President Xi Jinping called the LCR a “landmark project of high-quality Belt and Road cooperation.”1 The railway connects the Yunnan provincial capital of Kunming to Laos’s national capital of Vientiane, covering one thousand kilometers in less than ten hours—a trip that previously took days.2 It is a marvel of modern engineering, traversing the mountain jungle terrain of southern Yunnan and northern Laos with a long series of tunnels and bridges. It is the first leg constructed of China’s vision for a pan-Asia railway system connecting Kunming to Singapore via three trunks: Myanmar in the west, Laos and Thailand in the center, and Vietnam and Cambodia in the east.
The Laos-China Railway in Luang Prabang, Laos. By author, September 2025.
It turns out that China does have some serious heft to retaliate against Panama. And the best thing is, the Panamanians can do practically nothing to retaliate against this. Anything they try is likely to cause more problems for themselves.
Those who have followed me should know that I posted about Panama’s actions having consequences. When they screwed over the biggest Chinese player, the port operator itself, it sent a chilling feeling down other Chinese players in the trade.
CK Hutchinson is a highly professional and respected port operator. Decades in the trade. Operates 53 ports across 24 countries. Decades of experience in Panama with billions invested.
At first, China was very interested in Vietnam’s ‘North-South High-Speed Rail’ project, but many things happened along the way, causing Chinese companies to have concerns and be unwilling to invest further.
In 2011, China Railway Sixth Group undertook the Hanoi Jileng – Ha Dong Light Rail Project. It was originally planned to be completed in 3-4 years, but upon the completion of the project, the Vietnamese side demanded an additional 50 million USD from the Chinese side as a ‘service testing fee.’ When the Chinese side refused, the Vietnamese side withheld the final payment. In order to avoid settling the final payment, the Vietnamese side hired the French consulting company ACT to assess the entire plant. The results showed that the project met quality standards. Ultimately, after the construction period was extended to 10 years, the project was only completed for acceptance and final payment settlement in 2021, and the disputed 50 million USD was never paid.
On March 19, 2026, the Prime Minister’s Office of the Lao PDR issued Notice No. 366/PMO mandating nationwide adjustments to school operations, as part of emergency measures to ease the financial strain on families amid continued fuel price volatility.
The directive, addressed to the Ministry of Education and Sports, introduces immediate changes to learning schedules while preserving academic standards and signaling further contingency steps if economic conditions worsen.
Under the order, all general education institutions—public and private—are required to scale back in-person instruction from five days to three days per week. Schools must continue delivering the full curriculum, with the academic calendar extended to compensate for reduced classroom time.
For teacher training institutes, vocational schools, and higher education institutions, schedules will be restructured into full-day sessions, combining morning and afternoon classes, while similarly reducing attendance to three days per week. Teaching personnel without assigned classes are instructed to report for duty on a rotating basis.
Officials said the policy is aimed at lowering transportation-related expenses for households while ensuring continuity in education delivery.
The government also outlined escalation measures should fuel-related pressures persist. Institutions with adequate digital infrastructure will transition to remote learning, while those lacking technical readiness may be required to temporarily suspend operations.
To support potential online learning, the Ministry of Technology and Communications has been tasked with verifying internet reliability nationwide and assessing the availability of essential equipment.
Authorities stressed that parents, teachers, and students must prepare for immediate implementation, highlighting the government’s broader effort to balance economic relief with uninterrupted access to education during a period of heightened cost pressures.
China’s high-speed rail network is reshaping regional air travel, challenging short-haul aviation and redefining how passengers move across the country. Yuanfei Zhao (Scott) explores the co-evolution of rail and air, and examines the implications for airline strategy, fleet demand and the future of China’s regional aviation market.
China’s transportation landscape has undergone a quiet but profound transformation, one that is redefining how people move across the country and recalibrating the roles of air and rail in the national mobility ecosystem. At the heart of this shift is the rapid rise of high-speed rail (HSR), which has not only captured market share from short-haul aviation but has fundamentally altered traveller behaviour, airline network strategies, and urban connectivity.