With almost 90 percent of Myanmar’s population being devoted Buddhists, the religion has been at the heart of the nation’s very identity for centuries.
But while the pillars of Buddhist teachings are love, compassion and peace, there is a very different variation to the philosophy being taught at the Ma Ba Tha monastery in Yangon’s Insein township.
The monks there are connected to one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, the systematic persecution and genocide of the Rohingya in Rakhine state.
Al Jazeera’s unprecedented access to the Ma Ba Tha monastery and its leaders offers a glimpse into how their ultra-nationalist agenda is becoming the blueprint for the political structure of the country. Is the joining of forces between monks and generals threatening Myanmar’s young and fragile democracy?
An Unholy Alliance: Monks and the Military in Myanmar | Featured Documentary
Encouraged by the reversal of pro-abortion rights in the United States, a loose coalition of evangelical Christians, far-right politicians and Russian oligarchs are now engaged in a fierce campaign against progressive, liberal values in Europe.
But what is driving this so-called moral crusade? And who is funding it?
For People & Power, filmmakers Sarah Spiller, Mark Williams and Callum Macrae went in search of answers.
Europe’s New Moral Crusade: A campaign against progressive values | People and Power
Khi chiếc nồi đất được đập vỡ tại sân đền Đức Bà, hàng trăm thanh niên và cả người trung tuổi xông vào giằng co để cướp bằng được manh chiếu cói tại Lễ hội Đúc Bụt đầu năm mới.
Lễ hội Đúc Bụt (huyện Tam Dương, Vĩnh Phúc) tái hiện hình thức sinh hoạt văn hóa dân gian truyền tích Ngọc Kinh công chúa chiêu tập nghĩa sĩ rèn đúc vũ khí tụ nghĩa được tổ chức sáng 29/1 (mùng 8 tháng Giêng).
As the war in Ukraine dominates the international headlines, dozens of other humanitarian crises need our urgent attention. Most of them are driven by conflict and climate shocks, compounded by pre-existing vulnerability and inadequate access to services. This year sets a new record, with UN agencies and humanitarian partners requiring US$51.5 billion to help 230 million people who need emergency assistance in 68 countries.
In addition to Ukraine, here are 11 crises on our radar.
Esha Mohammed, a herder and mother in Eli Dar, in Ethiopia’s Afar Region, July 2022. Credit: UNOCHA/Liz Loh-Taylor
The Horn of Africa
When it comes to the deadly impact of the climate crisis, the Horn of Africa is now in unprecedented territory. It has endured five consecutive failed rains, and a sixth is now predicted in March.
Continued drought will bring prolonged catastrophe to people in Ethiopia, Kenya and Somalia, with at least 36.4 million people needing emergency assistance to survive, up to 26 million of them acutely food insecure. Famine risk will remain for people in two districts of Somalia. More than 9.5 million livestock have already died, and more deaths are anticipated, destroying herders’ and farmers’ livelihoods.
TTCT – Liệu những “hàng rào kỹ thuật” như quy định về đăng ký thường trú (và trước đây là hộ khẩu) có tác dụng ngăn cản dòng di cư vào đô thị lớn?
Mới đây, việc lập dự thảo quy định công dân làm thủ tục đăng ký thường trú phải có chỗ ở hợp pháp tối thiểu 8m2 đối nhà ở có nguồn gốc sở hữu nhà nước và 20m2 đối với nhà ở còn lại tiếp tục cho thấy chính sách thường trú ở Hà Nội khác biệt với các khu vực khác, cũng như nỗ lực cố gắng hạn chế dân số đăng ký thường trú vào đây.
Bức tranh Những ký ức của người nhập cư (Memories of immigrant) của Cristina Bernazzani, Ý.
The ICC seeks to investigate and prosecute those responsible for grave offenses such as genocide and war crimes.
Dozens of countries are not ICC members, including China, India, Russia, and the United States.
The court has angered nonmembers by launching probes into possible war crimes in Afghanistan, the Palestinian territories, and Ukraine.
The International Criminal Court (ICC), established in 2002, seeks to hold to account those guilty of some of the world’s worst crimes. Champions of the court say it deters would-be war criminals, bolsters the rule of law, and offers justice to victims of atrocities. But, since its inception, the court has faced considerable setbacks. It has been unable to gain the support of major powers, including the United States, China, and Russia, who say it undermines national sovereignty. Two countries have withdrawn from the court, and many African governments complain that the court has singled out Africa. U.S. opposition to the ICC hardened under President Donald Trump, and although the Joe Biden administration has taken a more conciliatory approach, tensions remain.
What are the court’s origins?
In the aftermath of World War II, the Allied powers launched the first international war crimes tribunal, known as the Nuremberg Trials, to prosecute top Nazi officials. It wasn’t until the 1990s, however, that many governments coalesced around the idea of a permanent court to hold perpetrators to account for the world’s most serious crimes. The United Nations had previously set up ad hoc international criminal tribunals to deal with war crimes in the former Yugoslavia and Rwanda, but many international law experts considered them inefficient and inadequate deterrents.
Author Sang-Hyun Song, President of the International Criminal Court.
December 2012, No. 4 Vol. XLIX, Delivering Justice
“Determined to put an end to impunity for the perpetrators of the most serious crimes of concern to the International Community as a whole and thus contribute to the prevention of such crimes“
Preamble of the Rome Statute
On 24 September 2012, the United Nations General Assembly held a High-level Meeting on the Rule of Law at the National and International Levels during which numerous delegates spoke about the importance of the International Criminal Court (ICC). In the Declaration adopted at the meeting, States recognized “the role of the International Criminal Court in a multilateral system that aims to end impunity and establish the rule of law”.1 In my remarks to the Assembly on 1 November 2012, I welcomed this statement, which echoed many earlier characterizations of the Court’s role.2
The crux of the ICC role lies in enforcing and inducing compliance with specific norms of international law aimed at outlawing and preventing mass violence.
Confronted with the extensive perpetration of unspeakable atrocities after the Second World War, the international community articulated an unparalleled call for justice. It sought to put an end to such crimes through, inter alia, the adoption of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, the four Geneva Conventions and the Nuremberg Principles.
A former member of the US Congress from Maine, Tom Andrews is a Robina Senior Human Rights Fellow at Yale University Law School, an Associate of Harvard University’s Asia Center and has a Washington DC based consulting practice, Andrews Strategic Services. He has worked with the National Democratic Institute for International Affairs and parliamentarians, NGOs and political parties in several countries including Cambodia, Indonesia, Algeria, Croatia, Serbia, Ukraine and Yemen.
Andrews served as General Secretary of “The Nobel Peace Laureate Campaign for Aung San Suu Kyi and the People of Burma” in 2001 and was a consultant for the National Coalition Government of the Union of Burma and the Euro-Burma Network. He has run advocacy NGOs including Win Without War and United to End Genocide, led an education institute at the University of Maine and served in the Maine House of Representatives and the Maine Senate. He lives with his wife and son in Fairfax, Virginia outside of Washington DC.
The mandate of the Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar was first established in 1992 under the Commission on Human Rights Resolution 58 and extended annually. Human Rights Resolution 25/26 adopted 15 April 2014 broadened the mandate to report on the progress in the electoral process and reform in the run-up to the 2015 election. Human Rights Resolution 31/24 adopted 24 March 2016 broadened the mandate to include identifying benchmarks for progress and priority areas for technical assistance and capacity-building.
In July 2022, the military junta of Myanmar executed four political prisoners, including a prominent pro – democracy activist and a former member of parliament.
These unconscionable acts are consistent with the junta’s unflinching embrace of violence against the people of Myanmar. In recent months, military forces have systematically bombed and burned villages and massacred innocent civilians, including 11 children in Sagaing Region who were shot and killed when junta forces attacked their school in September. The forces have killed thousands and displaced nearly 1 million people since the coup. Many of the more than 12,000 political prisoners have been tortured and an unknown number have died in custody.
In the midst of this darkness, however, civil society in Myanmar is a shining light and inspiration. Activists, human rights defenders, aid workers, community leaders, journalists, health – care professionals and educators are among those who are taking great personal risks to document atrocities, deliver humanitarian assistance and respond to the needs of displaced and traumatized communities. Human rights organizations, women’s associations, professional networks, trade unions and labour activists, and grass – roots groups are adopting strategies to remain safe and effective in a deadly environment. In many cases, individuals and organizations are operating with little international support and few opportunities to communicate with the outside world.
In the present report, the Special Rapporteur outlines the human rights and humanitarian catastrophe in Myanmar. He also describes the essential and aweinspiring work being done by Myanmar civil society in the most challenging of circumstances. He calls on the international community to view civil society in Myanmar as a vital partner in addressing the crisis in the country, working with grassroots networks to deliver aid and increasing financial and technical support to civil society organizations.
The fate of Myanmar depends on the activists, organizations and networks that have risen to defy military rule, defend human rights and prepare for a free and democratic future. They need and deserve a significant increase in support from the international community.
Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar
In the Declaration of the High-level Meeting on the Rule of Law, Member States noted that “the rule of law and development are strongly interrelated and mutually reinforcing, that the advancement of the rule of law at the national and international levels is essential for sustained and inclusive economic growth, sustainable development, the eradication of poverty and hunger and the full realization of all human rights and fundamental freedoms, including the right to development, all of which in turn reinforce the rule of law”. They therefore called for consideration of that interrelationship in the post-2015 international development agenda. At the international level, the body of international instruments, including those concerning international trade and finance, climate change and protection of the environment and the right to development, establishes internationally agreed standards which support sustainable development.
At the national level, the rule of law is necessary to create an environment for providing sustainable livelihoods and eradicating poverty. Poverty often stems from disempowerment, exclusion and discrimination. The rule of law fosters development through strengthening the voices of individuals and communities, by providing access to justice , ensuring due process and establishing remedies for the violation of rights . Security of livelihoods, shelter, tenure and contracts can enable and empower the poor to defend themselves against violations of their rights. Legal empowerment goes beyond the provision of legal remedies and supports better economic opportunities.
Một dàn đồng ca hát không thành lời. Một ước nguyện có mái nhà chung mãi không được lắng nghe. Có một nhóm những người câm điếc ở Sài Gòn loay hoay trong căn nhà hơn 10 mét vuông và mơ về một ngày những gì mình nghĩ, bật ra được thành tiếng.
Trẻ con lai ở miền Tây: Con không cha như nhà không nóc
22/01/2018 12:12 GMT+7
TTO – Hôn nhân tan vỡ trên xứ người, nhiều cô dâu Việt mang theo hàng ngàn đứa con lai từ Hàn Quốc, Đài Loan, Trung Quốc… trở về. Phía trước những đứa trẻ ấy là hành trình gian nan về cuộc sống và pháp lý.
Bé Lee Chaewon và những ký ức Hàn Quốc còn lại – Ảnh: VIỄN SỰ
Hồi mẹ nó ẵm về nước, bà nội nó nói mua cho cái vé khứ hồi, tới hồi ra sân bay về lại Hàn Quốc thì mới hay cái vé đi có một chiều
Chị TỪ THỊ XUYÊN (dì ruột bé Hong Deajun)
Chúng tôi trở lại cù lao Tân Lộc, Q.Thốt Nốt, TP Cần Thơ, nơi hơn mười năm trước được gọi là “đảo Đài Loan” khi cả cù lao có hơn 1.000 cô gái đi lấy chồng ngoại, chủ yếu là Đài Loan, Hàn Quốc, Trung Quốc.
Mấy năm gần đây, các cô gái Tân Lộc rời cù lao lấy chồng ngoại giảm dần, nhưng người Tân Lộc lại đón dòng hồi hương của các đứa trẻ con lai trở về quê mẹ.
“Con không cha như nhà không nóc” – câu chuyện hồi hương của những đứa trẻ con lai không có cha bên cạnh còn buồn hơn cả câu chuyện ly hương của những người mẹ năm nào.
HANOI, Dec 9 (Reuters) – A Vietnamese oil service vessel rescued 154 people from a sinking boat in the Andaman Sea and has transferred them to Myanmar’s navy, state media reported, a group that was confirmed by activists as minority Rohingya Muslims.
The vessel, Hai Duong 29, was en route from Singapore to Myanmar when it spotted the boat in distress 285 miles (458.7 km) south of the Myanmar coast on Wednesday, VTCNews said in a report aired late on Thursday.
The Rohingya are a minority that has for years been persecuted in Myanmar and many risk their lives attempting to reach predominantly Muslim Malaysia and Indonesia on rickety boats.
Controversial changes fuelled protests when they were first proposed in 2019 and could still be challenged in court.
Published On 6 Dec 20226 Dec 2022
Indonesia has passed a controversial new Criminal Code that includes outlawing sex outside marriage and cohabitation, in changes that critics contend could undermine freedoms in the Southeast Asian nation.
The new laws apply to Indonesians and foreigners and also restore a ban on insulting the president, state institutions or Indonesia’s national ideology known as Pancasila.