In Tokyo on May 23, President Biden announced the formation of the Indo-Pacific Economic Framework for Prosperity (IPEF). The framework will bring together the United States and a dozen other Indo-Pacific countries. The agreement will cover both traditional and digital trade standards, decarbonization and infrastructure, supply chain resiliency, taxation, and anti-corruption.
by Murray Hiebert (Senior Associate, Southeast Asia Program) and Danielle Fallin (Program Coordinator and Research Assistant, Southeast Asia Program)
A 1.5-degree Celsius increase in global warming poses an immediate threat to Southeast Asia’s economic, political, and health security. Mitigating the effects of climate change is key to the United States’ goal to secure a free, open, and prosperous Indo-Pacific.
Southeast Asia will be one of the world’s most vulnerable regions to climate change unless countries make dramatic cuts in greenhouse gas pollution. According to a 2018 report from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change, a global warming increase of 1.5 degrees Celsius (2.4 degrees Fahrenheit) will cause rising seas, dangerous flooding, and changing rain patterns leading to violent typhoons and drought. Global warming poses a threat to food security, hobbles economic growth, prompts political instability, and catalyzes pandemics. In extreme cases, it can create an environment conducive to terrorist activities.
In common parlance today, the word “tragedy” is used to describe any ill fortune that befalls a person or group: a destructive earthquake, a fatal shooting, the death of a family member from disease. But to the ancient Greeks, tragedy involved an element of human error (hamartia), not just external circumstance. On this measure, the saga of the United States and the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) would have given Sophocles enough material for an epic to rival Oedipus Rex.
From the start, TPP was marked by tragic irony—with China always in a supporting role. The George W. Bush administration notified Congress of its intent to negotiate a high-standard trade agreement with Asia-Pacific partners on September 22, 2008—one week into a global financial crisis that would severely undermine U.S. economic leadership and embolden Beijing. While quick to embrace TPP and successful in concluding an agreement among the parties, President Barack Obama fatally delayed pushing for trade promotion authority from Congress in 2014—choosing instead to name the chairman of the relevant Senate committee, Max Baucus, as his ambassador to China. And in one of his first, catastrophic acts as president, Donald Trump withdrew the United States from the unratified TPP—not understanding that it was one of the most powerful tools he had to compete with his nemesis, China.
Yesterday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo announced an important shift in U.S. declaratory policy on the South China Sea. This morning, Assistant Secretary of State David Stilwell elaborated further during remarks at CSIS’s annual South China Sea Conference. The press statement from Pompeo listed specific Chinese maritime claims the United States considers illegal. The statement marks a significant clarification of prior U.S. positions but not a radical break from past policy. It makes explicit things that had been implied by previous administrations. And in that it sets the stage for more effective diplomatic messaging and stronger responses to China’s harassment of its neighbors. U.S. partners and allies in the region were seemingly briefed in advance—the Philippine defense secretary, for instance, was ready with a positive statement within hours. And the new policy sparked excited, and often hyperbolic, coverage in the press and social media.
At a time when Vietnam’s electricity demand is surging in response to commercial, industrial, and population growth, a common concern has emerged that rising economic activity will shift carbon emissions from China and other manufacturing hubs to Vietnam. However, our experience through the Clean Energy Investment Accelerator (CEIA) initiative in Vietnam indicates that private-sector demand for renewables has the potential to overcome policy barriers and catalyze significant scaling up of clean energy deployment in emerging markets. Vietnam’s 2019-2020 rooftop solar boom and anticipated surge in wind and solar virtual power purchase agreements for corporate offtakers in 2020 and beyond are the results of public-private collaboration on issues that simultaneously advance government and private-sector interests, offering important lessons for other markets in pursuit of sustainable development.
Vietnam is a developing economy with a population of nearly 100 million and annual GDP growth of 6 to 7 percent, making it one of Asia’s fastest-growing economies, which has been true for decades. Foreign direct investment (FDI) was close to $18 billion in 2018, which accounted for approximately 24 percent of total investment in the economy.1 More than 10,000 foreign companies are estimated to operate or have supply chain manufacturing in Vietnam, including many of the world’s largest companies from a variety of sectors.2 For decades, Vietnam has been home to labor-intensive industries such as apparel and footwear production. Many of the world’s
For several weeks starting in late December, Indonesian media was dominated by reports of a flotilla of Chinese fishing and coast guard vessels operating without permission in the country’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ). The situation strained bilateral relations, presented President Joko “Jokowi” Widodo with the first foreign policy crisis of his second term, and forced Indonesia to confront the uncomfortable fact that it is a party to the South China Sea disputes even if it does not claim any contested islands or reefs. But the public reporting from Indonesian officials was also contradictory and incomplete, leaving the scale and timeline of the standoff unclear. Tiếp tục đọc “GONE FISHING: TRACKING CHINA’S FLOTILLA FROM BRUNEI TO INDONESIA”→
On February 4, Philippine defense secretary Delfin Lorenzana announced that construction of a new beaching ramp at Thitu Island would be completed in early 2019. Thitu is the largest of the nine features occupied by the Philippines in the Spratlys Islands and is home to about 100 civilians along with a small military garrison. The ramp, which was originally scheduled for completion in 2018, will facilitate the delivery of construction equipment and materials to the island for further planned upgrades, especially to its crumbling runway. AMTI previously tracked the start of repair work on the runway in May 2018, but that appears to have been halted while the beaching ramp is completed. Tiếp tục đọc “Under Pressure: Philippine Construction Provokes a Paramilitary Response”→
CSIS Reuters“China and the United States agreed to a ceasefire in their bitter trade war on Saturday after high-stakes talks in Argentina between U.S. President Donald Trump and Chinese President Xi Jinping, including no escalated tariffs on Jan. 1.”
First posted on unclosforum.wordpress.com on June 4,m 2014
WASHINGTON (NV) – Dù đã kết thúc từ đầu tuần, âm vang của cuộc hội thảo có tên “An Ninh Hàng Hải Biển Ðông” vẫn còn rất rõ trong tâm trí cả những diễn giả lẫn cử tọa của buổi họp – căn cứ trên số lượng các bài báo, tường trình, phỏng vấn, chương trình phát thanh, những khúc phim ngắn, và các bài bình luận hiện vẫn còn đang xuất hiện trên mọi phương tiện truyền thông đại chúng.
First posted on: June 3, 2014, UNCLOSForum.wordpress.com
Hội thảo về An ninh Hàng Hải ở Biển Đông do Trung tâm nghiên cứu Chiến lược Quốc tế (CSIS) tổ chức ở thủ đô Washington đã kết thúc hôm thứ Ba, 21 tháng Sáu. Trong phần trao đổi khá sôi nổi vào lúc cuối ngày, một số câu hỏi đã được nêu lên với các diễn giả chính, kể cả những thắc mắc về bản đồ hình chữ U, vẽ vùng biển mà Trung Quốc đòi chủ quyền; và vì sao Hà nội không phản đối Bắc Kinh hồi năm 1974, khi Trung Quốc chiếm một phần quần đảo Hoàng Sa sau một cuộc chiến ngắn với hải quân Việt Nam Cộng hòa.
Phần thuyết trình của Tiến sĩ Trần Trường Thủy, Giám Đốc Trung Tâm Nghiên cứu các vấn đề Biển Đông thuộc Học Viện Ngoại giao Việt Nam, ngày 20 tháng 6, 2011
It is our pleasure to send you the November edition of the ChinaPower Newsletter, the monthly newsletter of the CSIS China Power Project. The China Power Project centers on ChinaPower–a website that provides an in-depth understanding of the evolving nature of Chinese power relative to other countries. The ChinaPower Newsletter highlights the new and updated content on the website, as well as featured events and publications. We hope this newsletter provides you with a snapshot of the work we are doing to help our users better understand the complexity of China’s rise. Tiếp tục đọc “CSIS – ChinaPower November 2016 Newsletter”→
The challenges and opportunities presented by China’s rise are hotly contested. To help make sense of the issue, ChinaPower hosted its inaugural conference on November 29, 2016. The conference featured a series of debates between leading experts on the nature of Chinese power. The audience was polled for their opinion both before and after each debate. Polling results, debate descriptions, and conference video are posted below.
Opening Panel: Current trends in Chinese power and their implications for regional security.
By Amy Searight, Senior Adviser and Director, Southeast Asia Program (@SoutheastAsiaDC), CSIS
Welcome to our rebooted Southeast Asia from Scott Circle newsletter. The newsletter will continue to bring you commentary about U.S. engagement with Southeast Asia and highlights of key developments in the region on a biweekly basis. We are also consolidating our SitRep announcements and program highlights into this one regular update. Tiếp tục đọc “CSIS – Southeast Asia Report – Nov 17, 2016”→