I'm from Hanoi, Viet Nam.
I'm an author of Dot Chuoi Non (dotchuoinon.com/author/hangbelu/), a blog on Positive thinking, founded by Dr. Tran Dinh Hoanh, an attorney in Washington DC.
I'm a co-founder of Conversations on Vietnam Development - cvdvn.net, a virtual think tank. I am a co-founder of two companies in Viet Nam working on children education services. I advise companies on STEAM education, English language education for children and students in Vietnam.
I'm studying the Buddha's teaching and the teaching of Jesus. I practice mindful living including meditation.
I hold a PhD on Sustainable Energy Systems from University of Lisbon and Aalto University.
I graduated from Hanoi University of Technology on Environmental Engineering. I obtained a Master degree of the same major from Stanford University and Nanyang Technological University.
My English-language blog at: hangbelu.wordpress/.
I play table tennis as a hobby.
(Chinhphu.vn) – Sáng 11/12, với đa số đại biểu tán thành (438/444), Quốc hội đã chính thức thông qua Luật Tòa án chuyên biệt tại Trung tâm Tài chính quốc tế.
11/12/2025
Chánh án Tòa án nhân dân tối cao Nguyễn Văn Quảng
Luật Tòa án chuyên biệt tại Trung tâm Tài chính quốc tế có hiệu lực thi hành từ 1/1/2026. Luật này áp dụng đối với Tòa án chuyên biệt, thành viên Trung tâm tài chính quốc tế, nhà đầu tư, cơ quan, tổ chức, cá nhân có liên quan đến việc giải quyết vụ việc thuộc thẩm quyền của Tòa án chuyên biệt.
Tòa án chuyên biệt tại Trung tâm Tài chính quốc tế là tòa án thuộc hệ thống Tòa án nhân dân được tổ chức, hoạt động theo quy định của Luật này, có thẩm quyền xét xử, giải quyết các vụ việc tại Trung tâm tài chính quốc tế.
Luật quy định rõ việc thành lập Tòa án chuyên biệt đặt tại TPHCM.
International standards are proliferating, delivering major benefits to wealthy nations and big multinationals while leaving many developing countries behind, a new World Bank report shows.
Main Messages
Standards are the hidden foundations of prosperity. They are the shared rules that make plugs fit sockets, medicines work safely, and digital systems connect seamlessly. Standards embody collective knowledge, build trust, and enable economies to function efficiently. When they fail, markets fragment; when they work, prosperity follows.
For low- and middle-income countries, standards have never mattered more. Nearly 90 percent of world trade is now shaped by nontariff measures, most linked to standards. From digital systems for payment to charging stations for electric vehicles, new technologies can deliver economywide benefits only when standards exist. Mastering them can enhance national competitiveness and protect against technological, financial, and environmental risks.
Standards are a versatile tool of economic policy.Governments can use voluntary standards to drive innovation and give technical guidance on compliance with regulations. They can also make them mandatory when uniform compliance is necessary to protect health, safety, or the environment. In addition, governments can deploy standards as an instrument of industrial policy without reference to specific technologies or firms.
Ambition must match capacity.Countries should follow a trajectory that takes into account their stage of economic development, first adapting international standards to local realities when needed, then aligning with them as institutions mature, and actively participating in authoring standards in priority areas as capabilities grow. Rwanda’s Zamukana Ubuziranenge (“Grow with Standards”) program exemplifies this path, helping micro, small, and medium enterprises progress step by step towards compliance with international standards.
Investing in quality-enhancing infrastructure makes standards work well. The system of testing, certification, metrology, and accreditation in a country is what makes standards effective. Such systems are expensive to build and easy to neglect. Countries should start with public provision of quality-enhancing services in key sectors, then gradually open these services up to private participation. In many places, capacity gaps are stark: Ethiopia has fewer than 100 accredited auditors for compliance with standards of the International Organization for Standardization (ISO), compared with 12,000 in Germany.
To make standards a springboard for development, countries should do the following:
Create incentives for firms to upgrade the quality of their exports rather than imposing unrealistic mandates.
Adapt and sequence standards to align with the national capacity to enforce them.
Participate actively in international forums for setting standards.
Invest in and share quality infrastructure resources regionally.
The global community, for its part, must do the following:
Support participation by low- and middle-income countries in developing international standards and design tiered standards that reflect diverse capacities among countries.
Deepen regulatory cooperation and reduce fragmentation.
Develop credible standards for emerging technologies and actions to prevent or mitigate climate change.
Expand research and data on the economic and social impacts of standards.
Standards matter for development. Countries that take them seriously are getting ahead. Countries that ignore them risk falling behind.
Anh Phan Khắc Hồng một chủ doanh nghiệp ở Khánh Hòa, người đã chuyển đổi hàng trăm hecta đồn điền keo độc canh sang rừng tái sinh đa loài, đa tầng. Với một tinh thần: chuyển sang dưỡng rừng đa loài là con đường tất yếu, con đường lợi về cả về chi phí tài chính lẫn sinh thái.
Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s suffer sales slumps as Gaza war boycotts continue across Asia, boosting local and Palestinian brands
Gaza boycotts batter fast-food chains Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s and other US brands in Malaysia and Indonesia | Photo: PexelsVasudha Mukherjee New Delhi
In Malaysia and Indonesia, some of the biggest names in fast food — Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s — are still struggling to recover from the financial hit caused by boycotts sparked by the war in Gaza, according to a report by Nikkei Asia.
Steep sales drops for US fast food chains in Malaysia
In Malaysia, Starbucks operator Berjaya Food reported an 18 per cent year-on-year revenue drop in early 2024, with net losses widening to 37.2 million ringgit (US $9 million). Its share price has fallen another 15 per cent this year. The chain has leaned on heavy localisation efforts — drinks curated by Malaysian baristas, locally designed merchandise, and menu items by a popular local chef — but store managers expect the total number of outlets to shrink from 350 to under 300 by 2026.
QSR Brands, which runs KFC and Pizza Hut, swung from a pre-tax profit of 49.6 million ringgit in 2023 to a 66.2 million ringgit loss in 2024. It has cut prices, pizzas as low as 5 ringgit, stressed its halal credentials, and hired more local staff to appeal to customers.
Going into the 2022 election, improving relations with Southeast Asia was at the top of the foreign policy to-do list for the Australian Labor Party, led by now prime minister Anthony Albanese. While the outgoing Liberal-National coalition government had notched up some achievements in its engagement with the region, there was also a sense of drift. The Pacific Step Up policy had focused on boosting ties with one of Australia’s two near regions, but Southeast Asia had not received the same level of diplomatic focus. Among the Labor Party’s pledges were appointing a special envoy for Southeast Asia, providing A$470 million in new aid to the region, and creating an office for Southeast Asia within the Department of Foreign Affairs and Trade. [1] For the most part, the Albanese government has followed through on its commitment to strengthen ties with Southeast Asia through more active diplomatic outreach, an economic strategy to boost two-way trade and investment, and a more nuanced approach to managing sensitive issues in Australia’s relations with the region, especially China-related issues and Middle East policy.
During the new term of government beginning in 2025, it is likely that the Albanese government will maintain Southeast Asia, along with the Pacific Islands, as a region of high priority. Albanese’s July 2025 John Curtin Oration articulated what he called Labor’s “constructive and creative role” and gave high billing to efforts to intensify economic engagement with Southeast Asia and deepen security cooperation with Indonesia. [2] While other global relationships may fluctuate according to events, the central importance of Southeast Asia within this distinctively Labor worldview suggests that engagement with this region, especially Indonesia, will remain high on Australia’s agenda for the next three years.
This essay analyzes the achievements of the Albanese government in its relations with Southeast Asia. It also assesses the continued challenges Australia faces both in deepening economic relations with the region and in continuing to balance regional ties with the U.S. alliance, especially given a less predictable and more demanding administration in Washington.
Việt Nam đang đẩy mạnh triển khai các cam kết quốc tế về giảm phát thải khí nhà kính theo Công ước khung của Liên Hợp Quốc về Biến đổi khí hậu và Thỏa thuận Paris, với mục tiêu đạt phát thải ròng bằng “0” vào năm 2050 do Thủ tướng Chính phủ công bố tại COP26. Trong chiến lược đó, rừng được xác định là một trong những trụ cột quan trọng nhất nhờ vào khả năng hấp thụ và lưu giữ các-bon tự nhiên, đồng thời có tiềm năng hình thành thị trường các-bon rừng – một cơ chế tài chính mới nhằm thúc đẩy bảo vệ và phát triển rừng theo hướng bền vững.
Hiện nay, Cục Lâm nghiệp và Kiểm lâm đang chủ trì xây dựng Nghị định về các-bon rừng và Bộ tiêu chuẩn các-bon rừng quốc gia, nhằm tạo nền tảng pháp lý thống nhất cho đo đạc, thẩm tra, chứng nhận và giao dịch tín chỉ các-bon từ rừng. Mặc dù sau hơn ba thập kỷ bảo vệ và phát triển rừng, Việt Nam đã đạt được nhiều kết quả đáng kể, hệ thống pháp luật hiện hành vẫn thiếu các quy định cụ thể về quyền các-bon rừng — bao gồm quyền sở hữu, quyền giao dịch, quyền định đoạt và quyền hưởng lợi từ kết quả giảm phát thải. Những khoảng trống này đặt ra nhiều câu hỏi cho các nhà hoạch định chính sách và các chủ rừng, đặc biệt trong giai đoạn chuẩn bị vận hành thị trường các-bon.
Trong bối cảnh đó, Mạng lưới Nghiên cứu Chính sách tổ chức webinar “Thực trạng quản lý và sử dụng rừng ở Việt Nam – Ý nghĩa đối với các quyền và thị trường các-bon rừng trong tương lai” nhằm phân tích và thảo luận các vấn đề nêu trên.
Webinar tập trung vào các nội dung:
Phân tích thực trạng quản lý và sử dụng rừng tại Việt Nam, bao gồm cấu trúc quyền của các nhóm chủ rừng và các vấn đề pháp lý liên quan.
Làm rõ khái niệm và nội hàm của quyền các-bon rừng, bao gồm các rủi ro, khoảng trống pháp lý và tác động tới các chủ thể khác nhau.
Thảo luận các hàm ý chính sách cho thị trường các-bon rừng, trong bối cảnh Việt Nam chuẩn bị ban hành Nghị định và Bộ tiêu chuẩn các-bon rừng.
Nhìn vào dữ liệu của Cafely năm 2025, có thể thấy người Việt chỉ đứng top 50 về tiêu thụ cà phê toàn cầu. Mỗi người chúng ta đang uống khoảng 0,4 ly mỗi ngày, tương đương mức của Philippines và thấp hơn nhiều so với Nhật Bản (1 ly) hay Hàn Quốc (0,9 ly). Điều này đặc biệt tương phản với bức tranh tiêu dùng ở châu Âu, nơi mức tiêu thụ dao động 2–5 ly/ngày. Thậm chí các quốc gia sản xuất lớn và là những nền kinh tế đang phát triển như Brazil hay Colombia cũng có mức tiêu thụ cao hơn Việt Nam.
Đáng chú ý, Việt Nam hiện đứng thứ hai thế giới về sản lượng cà phê, tương đương 17% thị phần toàn cầu và chỉ đứng sau Brazil (37%). Việt Nam cũng bỏ xa nhóm kế sau: cao hơn Colombia khoảng 2,2 lần và cao gần gấp 3 lần so với Indonesia hay Ethiopia. Vậy nguyên nhân nằm ở đâu? Một quốc gia xuất khẩu tới 90% sản lượng, đạt kim ngạch 5,48 tỉ USD năm 2024 (tương đương 3% GDP quốc gia và 10% GDP ngành nông nghiệp), lại chỉ tiêu thụ nội địa ở mức tối thiểu – dù văn hóa cà phê đã ăn sâu vào đời sống đô thị lẫn nông thôn. Khoảng cách giữa vị thế “đại bàng sản xuất” và thói quen “uống rất ít” cho thấy dư địa tăng trưởng thị trường trong nước lớn đến mức nào.
This five-part series explores how the acceleration of electric vehicle adoption could increase the demand for rubber—a commodity that has historically driven deforestation and land grabbing across the Mekong region. Experts say the EV transition will boost rubber demand, as EVs need specialized tires that can bear heavier vehicle weight and high torque.
This matters to the Mekong region. Our data analysis shows that Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam together supply nearly 50% of the world’s natural rubber. About 70% of global rubber goes into tires. Without effective traceability in place, deforestation and land conflicts, many of which are ongoing and affecting the lives and livelihoods of local communities—are unlikely to be solved.
Story by Mekong Eye’s investigation team This series was produced in partnership with Earth Journalism Network and the Pulitzer Center
Electric vehicles (EVs) are on the rise — from Bangkok to Hanoi to Vientiane — promising a cleaner future as part of the global shift to clean energy, with more than 17 million electric cars sold worldwide in 2024.
But there is still a cost to pay for these ‘green cars’. With their heavier battery weight and higher torque, EVs wear out their tires faster than gasoline-powered cars, and therefore consume more tires throughout their lifetime.
In every tire is natural rubber, the key raw material that ensures durability, elasticity and strength.
The growing demand for EV tires has had significant implications for the Mekong region — Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam — which produces about 50% of the world’s natural rubber and hosts major plants for multinational tire manufacturers and EV makers.
Timeline for Vietnam project too tight, Hanoi envoy says
Ties already strained over petrol motorbike ban hurting Honda
Demand surging from industry, expanding middle class
Extreme weather events also threatening supply
HANOI, Dec 8 (Reuters) – Japan has dropped out of plans to build a major nuclear power plant in Vietnam because the time frame is too tight, Japanese ambassador Naoki Ito told Reuters, potentially complicating Vietnam’s long-term strategy to avoid new power shortages.
Vietnam, home to large manufacturing operations for multinationals including Samsung and Apple, has faced major power blackouts as demand from its huge industrial sector and expanding middle class often outpaces supplies, strained by increasingly frequent extreme weather, such as droughts and typhoons.
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“The Japanese side is not in a position to implement the Ninh Thuan 2 project,” the ambassador to Vietnam said, referring to a plant with a planned capacity of 2 to 3.2 gigawatts. The project is part of Vietnam’s strategy to boost power generation capacity.
Hội nghị quốc tế lần thứ V về hợp tác giữa Việt Nam và các tổ chức phi chính phủ nước ngoài
Ngày 4/12/2025, Oxfam vinh dự cùng đại diện từ hơn 300 tổ chức phi chính phủ nước ngoài (TCPCPNN) tại Việt Nam tham gia Hội nghị quốc tế lần thứ 5 về hợp tác giữa Việt Nam và các TCPCPNN, các đối tác vì sự phát triển thịnh vượng và bền vững do Ủy ban Công tác về các tổ chức phi chính phủ nước ngoài (COMINGO) và Liên hiệp các tổ chức hữu nghị Việt Nam (VUFO) tổ chức.
Hội nghị đã đánh giá kết quả quan hệ đối tác giữa Việt Nam và các TCPCPNN giai đoạn 2019 – 2025, xác định phương hướng hợp tác và nâng cao hiệu quả viện trợ trong 5 năm tiếp theo, xây dựng các kiến nghị, đề xuất với Chính phủ và Thủ tướng Chính phủ nhằm tăng cường quan hệ đối tác giữa Việt Nam với các TCPCPNN, nhà tài trợ và doanh nghiệp quốc tế trong thời gian tới.
Tính đến 30/11, có 379 tổ chức PCPNN hoạt động thường xuyên tại Việt Nam với tổng giá trị viện trợ giai đoạn 2020-2024 đạt gần 1,14 tỷ USD. Các dự án trải rộng trên phạm vi cả nước, tập trung vào những lĩnh vực thiết yếu như y tế, phát triển kinh tế – xã hội, giải quyết các vấn đề xã hội, giáo dục – đào tạo, tài nguyên – môi trường, xây dựng năng lực tổ chức và hỗ trợ tư pháp…
Phát biểu tại hội nghị, Phó Thủ tướng Bùi Thanh Sơn ghi nhận và đánh giá cao những đóng góp thiết thực, bền bỉ của các tổ chức phi chính phủ và các đối tác đối với Việt Nam trong nhiều thập kỷ qua, nhất là trong y tế, giáo dục, giảm nghèo, phát triển cộng đồng, chống biến đổi khí hậu, ứng phó với thiên tai, bảo vệ nhóm yếu thế, thúc đẩy bình đẳng giới, phát triển nông thôn.
On Oct. 13 of this year, the PRC state media outlet CPNN, reported that China is pulling ahead in advanced nuclear power technology development with the launch of the large-scale production “Hualong One” (also known as HPR1000). As it develops, China not only aims to tackle the transmission bottleneck in the south, but also to export to countries like Pakistan as the PRC’s “business card” to the world.
China’s dual goals of localization and export orientation have long defined its nuclear strategy. Led by state-owned giants such as the China National Nuclear Corporation (CNNC), Beijing has invested heavily in domestic innovation while aggressively expanding into overseas markets. Beijing has sought to expand its reactor sales to markets such as Argentina and the United Kingdom, while also securing control over upstream uranium resources. CNNC’s 2019 acquisition of Namibia’s Rössing Uranium Mine, one of the world’s largest open-pit uranium operations, underscored China’s growing dominance across the nuclear value.
Beijing’s policy support for state-owned enterprises has enabled it to build a vertically integrated nuclear industry, driving rapid advances in small modular reactors (SMRs), fourth-generation technologies, and nuclear fusion research (the Artificial Sun). Furthermore, intensifying US–China competition is reshaping global nuclear exports and deepening the geopolitical risks of dependence on Chinese nuclear systems.
Southeast Asia is facing one of its wettest seasons in recent memory, with record-breaking rain and floods — and a powerful weather combo is driving it.
In the area you have selected (Vietnam) tsunami hazard is classified as medium according to the information that is currently available. This means that there is more than a 10% chance of a potentially-damaging tsunami occurring in the next 50 years. Based on this information, the impact of tsunami should be considered in different phases of the project for any activities located near the coast. Project planning decisions, project design, and construction methods should take into account the level tsunami hazard. Further detailed information should be obtained to adequately account for the level of hazard.
Pacific “Ring of Fire” (enlarged graphic). Source: Adapted from U.S. Geological SurveyDownload Image
Climate change impact: The areas at risk of tsunami will increase as global mean sea level rises. According to the IPCC (2013), global mean sea level rise depends on a variety of factors, and estimates for 2100 range from ~20 cm to nearly 1 m. However, regional changes in sea level are difficult to predict. Projects in low-lying coastal areas such as deltas, or in island states should be designed to be robust to projected increases in global sea level.
Having placed artificial intelligence at the centre of its own economic strategy, China is driving efforts to create an international system to govern the technology’s use.
Chinese president Xi Jinping speaking at the 2025 Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation meeting in Gyeongju, South Korea.Credit: Yonhap via AP/Alamy
Thousands of people march in the sidelines of the COP30 UN Climate Change Conference in Belém, Brazil on Nov. 15, 2025.Pablo Porciuncula—AFP via Getty Image
by Brian Mukhaya Brian Mukhaya is the Africa Program Manager at Clean Air Task Force.
Ten years after the landmark Paris Agreement, the world is still trying to solve two crises as if they were separate: climate change and economic development. That’s a dangerous illusion. Climate progress cannot succeed if billions of people remain in poverty, without electricity, stable food systems, or the means to build better lives. And development, if it ignores climate risk, is little more than a short-term fix that will collapse under the weight of future disasters.
I saw this tension firsthand at COP30 in Belém, Brazil, the annual UN climate summit. The energy there was unmistakable—a mixture of urgency and frustration. Delegates from across Africa reminded the world that promises made in Paris have not been kept. Wealthy nations pledged to support developing countries as they cut emissions and adapted to rising temperatures. Yet, a decade later, those commitments remain largely unfulfilled.
At COP29 in Baku last year, developed countries agreed to mobilize at least $300 billion annually by 2035 for developing countries’ climate action, part of a broader aspirational target of $1.3 trillion per year. While this represents a tripling of the previous $100 billion goal, representatives from developing countries remain skeptical. More fundamentally, the $300 billion commitment falls far short of actual needs. The Independent High-Level Expert Group on Climate Finance estimates that developing countries (excluding China) need approximately $2.7 trillion annually by 2030 to meet climate and nature-related goals. The gap between promise and reality remains vast—and widening
But money is only part of the problem. Even when funding arrives, it often misses the mark. A new analysis by the Clean Air Task Force looked at 52 African countries’ climate and development plans. It found that the two rarely intersect. Climate strategies focus on emissions and energy transitions, while national development plans emphasize job creation and economic growth—but without embedding climate targets. The result is a patchwork of policies that fail to deliver either lasting prosperity or real emissions cuts.
As Bill Gates noted in a recent memo, global climate policy increasingly risks sidelining development altogether. Today, more than 600 million Africans lack access to electricity, while 900 million do not have clean cooking technologies—conditions that undermine productivity, constrain public services, and contribute to preventable deaths.
Crucially, this should not be understood as an either/or dilemma. Wealthy nations already recognize that decarbonization must go hand in hand with economic growth to be politically viable at home. The same is true globally. Emerging and developing economies cannot be expected to choose between climate progress and economic progress. Insisting on a tradeoff between the two as a trade-off is both unrealistic and unjust.
When climate and development are treated as separate silos, everyone loses. Fragmented planning leads to inefficient allocation of scarce resources, missed opportunities for infrastructure investments with broad benefits, and policies that fail to produce either meaningful emissions reductions or durable socio-economic progress. Importantly, this is not a challenge restricted to Africa but a blind spot in international climate governance. Even wealthy countries are discovering that climate action divorced from economic realities is politically unsustainable. When climate action appears to threaten economic growth, job creation, or living standards, political support erodes quickly.
As negotiations in Belém draw to a close, one truth should be clear: climate and development are not competing agendas—they are the same story. Sustainable development is the foundation of lasting climate progress. And climate resilience is the only path to enduring prosperity. Any strategy that treats them separately is doomed to fail.
Development without climate action is a short-term fix. And climate action without development is an empty promise.