The Commission and the High Representative invite the European Parliament and the Council to endorse the approach set out in this Joint Communication and to work together on the implementation of its actions and their review.
Issues & Insights Vol. 21, SR 2 — Advancing a Rules-based Maritime Order in the Indo-Pacific
Authors of this volume participated in the Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Expert Working Group’s 2021 workshop that took place, virtually on March 23-24. The working group, composed of esteemed international security scholars and maritime experts from Japan, the United States, and other Indo-Pacific states, was formed to promote effective U.S.-Japan cooperation on maritime security issues in the region through rigorous research on various legal interpretations, national policies, and cooperative frameworks to understand what is driving regional maritime tensions and what can be done to reduce those tensions. The workshop’s goal is to help generate sound, pragmatic and actionable policy solutions for the United States, Japan, and the wider region, and to ensure that the rule of law and the spirit of cooperation prevail in maritime Indo- Pacific.
Table of Contents
- Introduction: Advancing a Rules-based Maritime Order in the Indo-Pacific | Jeffrey Ordaniel, Director, Maritime Programs, Pacific Forum
- Strengthening Maritime Crisis Prevention in Northeast Asia: A Focus on Subnational and Nonstate Actors | Shuxian Luo, Post-doctoral Research Fellow, Brookings Institution
- The Gaps in Japanese Maritime Security Law and the Senkaku Situation | Yurika Ishii, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Security Studies, National Defense Academy of Japan
- Maritime Security in the East China Sea: Japan’s Perspective | Atsuko Kanehara, Professor, Sophia University; President, Japanese Society of International Law
- Use of Force in International Law and the New China Coast Guard Law | Nguyen Thi Lan Huong, Research Fellow, East Sea Studies Institute, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam
- Are We Ready for the Quad? Two Contradictory Goals | Kyoko Hatakeyama, Professor of International Relations, Graduate School of International Studies and Regional Development, University of Niigata Prefecture
- Modernizing U.S. Alliances for Maritime Security in the Indo-Pacific | Virginia Bacay Watson, Professor, Daniel K. Inouye Asia-Pacific Center for Security Studies
- Maritime Governance Capacity Building: A U.S.-Japan Alliance Agenda for Rule of Law in the Indo-Pacific | John Bradford, Senior Fellow, Maritime Security Programme at the S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS), Nanyang Technological University
The Indo-Pacific Maritime Security Expert Working Group’s 2021 workshop and this volume were funded by a grant from the U.S. Embassy Tokyo, and implemented in collaboration with the Yokosuka Council on Asia Pacific Studies (YCAPS).
The statements made and views expressed are solely the responsibility of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of their respective organizations and affiliations. For questions, please email firstname.lastname@example.org.
Photo: The aircraft carrier USS Ronald Reagan (CVN 76), center left, and the Japanese helicopter destroyer JS Hyuga (DDH 181), center right, sail in formation with other ships from the U.S. Navy and Japan Maritime Self-Defense Force (JMSDF) as aircraft from the U.S. Air Force and Japan Air Self-Defense Force fly overhead in formation during Keen Sword 2019 in the Philippine Sea. Keen Sword 2019 is a joint, bilateral field-training exercise involving U.S. military and JMSDF personnel, designed to increase combat readiness and interoperability of the U.S.-Japan alliance. Source: U.S. Navy photo by Mass Communication Specialist 2nd Class Kaila V. Peters/Public domain.
East West Center in Washington
Key officials engaged in United States relations with Pacific Islands countries discussed expanding presence and engagement in the region from development, military, and congressional policy perspectives. They explained how these moves position the United States to deepen strategic partnership with Pacific Island nations in support of a free, open, and secure Indo-Pacific. Opening comments followed by moderated discussion covered the development trajectories of Pacific Island countries, COVID-19’s impacts on the region, and US-China dynamics.Tiếp tục đọc “The United States’ Enhanced & Enduring Commitment to the Pacific Islands Region”
Andrew Rhodes wrote this essay while a student at the U.S. Naval War College. It won the Strategic Research Paper category of the 2019 Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Strategic Essay Competition.
In the early 20th century, the visionary Marine officer Earl “Pete” Ellis compiled remarkable studies of islands in the Western Pacific and considered the practical means for the seizure or defense of advanced bases. A century after Ellis’s work, China presents new strategic and operational challenges to the U.S. position in Asia, and it is time for Washington to develop a coherent strategy, one that will last another 100 years, for the islands of the Western Pacific. It has become common to consider the second island chain as a defining feature of Pacific geography, but when Ellis mastered its geography, he saw not a “chain,” but a “cloud.” He wrote in 1921 that the “Marshall, Caroline, and Pelew Islands form a ‘cloud’ of islands stretching east and west.” His apt description of these archipelagoes serves well for a broader conception of the islands in, and adjacent to, traditional definitions of the second island chain. A new U.S. strategy should abandon the narrow lens of the “chain” and emphasize a broader second island cloud that highlights the U.S. regional role and invests in a resilient, distributed, and enduring presence in the Pacific.Tiếp tục đọc “The Second Island Cloud: A Deeper and Broader Concept for American Presence in the Pacific Islands”
- BY YUICHI HOSOYA
- SPECIAL TO THE JAPAN TIMES
- Jan 12, 2021
The year 2020 was filled with geopolitical and geoeconomic changes that represented a major shift in world history, with the COVID-19 pandemic and the U.S. presidential election leading the way.
How effectively each nation can control the spread of infections within its own borders is likely to significantly affect the transformation of the global economy and power balance in the post-coronavirus era.Tiếp tục đọc “How Japan can lead a free and open Indo-Pacific”
Statement from National Security Advisor Robert C. O’Brien
Issued on: January 12, 2021
Today, the White House is publishing the recently declassified United States Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific. For the last 3 years, this document has provided overarching strategic guidance for implementing the 2017 National Security Strategy within the world’s most populous and economically dynamic region. Approved in February 2018 for implementation across Executive Branch departments and agencies, the document is being released to communicate to the American people and to our allies and partners, the enduring commitment of the United States to keeping the Indo-Pacific region free and open long into the future.
You can read the full statement here.
You can read United States Strategic Framework for the Indo-Pacific here.
SECNAV Braithwaite Calls for New U.S. 1st Fleet Near Indian, Pacific OceansTiếp tục đọc “SECNAV Braithwaite Calls for New U.S. 1st Fleet Near Indian, Pacific Oceans –”
The 15th East Asia Summit on Saturday hopes to give a big push to a free, open, inclusive, transparent, rules-based, peaceful and prosperous Indo-Pacific region.
The Summit Meeting will also discuss ways and means to strengthen the EAS platform and to make it more responsive to emerging challenges on its 15th anniversary. The Leaders will also exchange views on issues of international and regional interest including the COVID-19 pandemic and the cooperation among EAS participating count ..
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This post is reprinted from Michael Green’s foreword to the newly released report from CSIS, China’s Maritime Silk Road: Strategic and Economic Implications for the Indo-Pacific Region.
The Quadrilateral Security Dialogue between India, the United States, Japan, and Australia (the Quad, sometimes referred to as the QSD) was created over a decade ago, but it has been given a new lease on life by more compelling strategic circumstances in the Indo-Pacific. Xi Jinping’s China actively challenges the existing order, while Donald Trump’s United States sends mixed signals on whether it even wants to maintain its de facto global leadership. More active participation by other major powers in Asia, joined with the United States, sounds like an uncontroversially good idea. But the debate about the revived Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, or Quad 2.0, has been centered on the negatives: the harm it could cause, rather than what it can really contribute. Those assumptions are based on perceptions (or more correctly, misperceptions), whereby the Quad is seen as too confrontational towards China, and challenging or sidelining the centrality of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) to discussions of security in the Indo-Pacific. These misperceptions have been so strong, that more ink has been spilled explaining what the Quad is not and what it does not intend, rather than on what it is and what objectives it has. Tiếp tục đọc “HOW SOUTHEAST ASIANS REALLY PERCEIVE THE QUADRILATERAL SECURITY DIALOGUE”