The EU’s secret weapon against refugees — time

Delays in rescuing people at sea aren’t a European policy failure. They are a deliberate, cruel strategy.

  • Aljazeera.com
  • Maurice StierlResearcher at the Institute for Migration Research and Intercultural Studies at Osnabrück University, Germany

Published On 17 May 202317 May 2023

Members of German NGO migrant rescue Sea-Watch and art Kollektiv Ohne Namen sail a boat with life vests during a symbolic art action to bring attention to the plight of refugees crossing the Mediterranean Sea
Members of German NGO migrant rescue Sea-Watch and art Kollektiv Ohne Namen sail a boat with life vests during a symbolic art action to bring attention to the plight of refugees crossing the Mediterranean Sea, on the Ill River in front of the European Parliament in Strasbourg, France, May 9, 2023. The slogan reads ‘Abolish Frontex’ [File: Johanna Geron/Reuters]

When boats with refugees are at risk of capsizing in the Mediterranean Sea, the speed of rescue operations is essential. Any delay in the emergency response can lead to serious bodily harm or the loss of life.

Still, offering a speedy response in such situations is not one of Europe’s priorities. In a study recently published in the journal Security Dialogue, I argue that time has become increasingly “weaponised” in Mediterranean migration governance.

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Over the last decade, and in order to prevent arrivals, European Union authorities have sought out ways to slow down rescue engagement while accelerating interceptions to Libya.

The end of Italy’s humanitarian-military operation Mare Nostrum in 2014 marked a turning point. As a response to a devastating shipwreck on October 3, 2013 near Lampedusa, this operation sped up rescue activities off the Libyan coast, leading to the rescue of about 150,000 people. However, it was denounced by critics as a “pull-factor” that would incentivise the arrival of refugees. Mare Nostrum ended and gave way to successive European operations that experimented with delays in emergency responses.

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UK political elite used poverty & immigration fears to secure leave vote

BRUEGEL: The bulk of UK Leave voters come from disadvantaged areas, and perceive immigration as a threat. But significant exceptions to this trend in England and most importantly in Scotland make it hard to draw a simple causal link between wealth, immigration, and voting patterns.

BY: DATE: JUNE 29, 2016

One of the dominant explanations of the UK’s Leave vote in the EU referendum is that the most disadvantaged parts of the country voted against EU membership to express their discontent against the ruling elite, as a headline inThe Guardian recently read: ‘If you’ve got money, you vote in… if you haven’t got money, you vote out.’

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Migration and refugees

ODI – Development is migration: millions leave their countries each year in search of opportunities and better lives. People also leave their homes to escape conflict, repression or environmental disasters. Remittances – the money that people send home from abroad – accounts for nearly 600 billion dollars, dwarfing global aid budgets.

Our research and high-level debates on the crisis in the Mediterranean and, more recently, on the Syrian refugee crisis, examine how we can meet these global challenges – and the role of international development to better manage global migration.

Through research, events, media engagement and partnerships, ODI offers evidence to lay bare the political and economic realities of migration and to inform the public debate.

Specifically, we focus on three areas: refugees and displacement, European migration policy and human mobility.