Infrastructure as Strategy: How Vietnam Rewires Indochina through Ports and Roads

fulcrum.sg Published 13 Feb 2026 Hoang Thi Ha

Vietnam is often portrayed as losing influence in Laos and Cambodia to China. But the construction of key infrastructure gives Hanoi some measure of agency.

Vietnam is often portrayed as steadily losing its traditional influence in neighbouring Laos and Cambodia to China. Such assessments overlook an emerging dimension of Hanoi’s statecraft: by building critical infrastructure along its southwestern coast and granting Laos maritime access, Hanoi is transforming its coastline into strategic leverage to counter regional power shifts and consolidate its geopolitical footprint.

Laos – the only country having “special relations” with Vietnam, rooted in shared revolutionary history and deep political trust – has long relied on overland routes to Thailand and the Chinese-built Kunming-Vientiane high-speed train. This has improved connectivity across its mountainous terrain and boosted trade with China, but saddled Vientiane with heavy debts.

Vietnam offers a cheaper alternative: providing direct maritime access to help Laos overcome its landlocked geography. Since 2001, Vung Ang Port in Ha Tinh province — the nearest major port to the Vietnam-Laos border — has been developed with three berths, granting Laos not just access but substantive control. Through the Lao-Viet International Port Company, the Lao government has expanded its stake from 20 per cent to 60 per cent, securing management rights and development priority over the port.

With a designed throughput exceeding 6.5 million tonnes per year, Vung Ang is becoming an important maritime outlet for Laos, handling its minerals exports and other bulk commodities, as well as cargo from northeastern Thailand. The 585km Vientiane-Vung Ang corridor is approximately 200km shorter than the route via Bangkok to Thailand’s Laem Chabang port, saving transport time and logistics costs. Both countries are discussing upgrades to rail and road connectivity along this axis, including the proposed Vientiane-Vung Ang railway and Vientiane-Hanoi expressway.

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Europe’s youth have more realistic view of China

chinadaily.com By Kerry Brown,Zhang Li and Ivona Rajevac | China Daily | Updated: 2026-02-09 07:32

MA XUEJING/CHINA DAILY

Editor’s note: The Institute of European Studies of the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences released a survey report in Beijing on Feb 4 examining European youth’s perceptions of China and China-EU relations. The report is based on a large-scale survey of nearly 20,000 respondents conducted across 36 European countries. Scholars and policy experts discussed the findings at the briefing. Below are excerpts of the remarks by three of the experts.

Opening their eyes to the real China

Europe stands at a critical juncture in evaluating its stance toward China, especially as the global geopolitical landscape grows increasingly complex in 2026. The survey findings reveal a nuanced mosaic of attitudes. Young Europeans, in particular, are engaging with China not merely through an ideological lens but by examining its tangible economic, technological and social footprint. This growing sophistication reflects both the accessibility of information through digital platforms and the lived realities of globalization, where China’s influence touches supply chains, consumer goods, education and technology.

The perception of China as a significant player in global technology is gaining traction. For European youth, understanding China is no longer a simple matter of curiosity; it is increasingly about engaging with a country that is transforming before their eyes. Long-held notions of China as a technologically backward or peripheral actor are rapidly fading. China’s investments in research and development now far exceed those of the United Kingdom, many European countries, and even the European Union in aggregate. In the 15th Five-Year Plan (2026-30) period, China is set to strengthen its capabilities in life sciences, pharmaceuticals, healthcare and other critical sectors.

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Thailand, the sick man of Southeast Asia?

eastasiaforum.org Published: 22 December 2025

In Brief

Thailand is confronting a convergence of economic and political pressures that threaten to lock in prolonged stagnation caused by weak growth, demographic decline and low productivity. Decades of political instability, repeated intervention by unelected ‘tutelary’ powers and the blocking of reformist forces have undermined policy continuity, discouraged investment and diverted spending away from long-term growth drivers like education and public investment. Renewed border tensions with Cambodia and looming elections now compound these structural weaknesses, leaving Thailand trapped in a cycle of political uncertainty and economic underperformance that erodes its regional standing.

With growth barely above 2 per cent, a looming demographic crisis and an immigration regime unsuited to offsetting future workforce challenges, Thailand is in urgent need of pro-growth, pro-productivity reforms and public investment despite its strained public finances. These challenges are par for the course in any rich post-industrial country — but for a middle-income country in today’s international environment, they’re all the more daunting.

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Do the Vietnamese think their country is in Northeast Asia (East Asia) and not Southeast Asia?

Profile photo for Lucia Millar

Lucia Millar, Lives in Asia 3y

Question: Do the Vietnamese think their country is in Northeast Asia (East Asia) and not Southeast Asia?

Answer: The majority of the Vietnamese know their country has frequently joined the Southeast Asian game “Seagame”. Recently, Vietnam become a host of the 31st Seagame in Hanoi City.

Vietnam’s supporters in the Hanoi Seagame 31

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Are Vietnamese considered East or Southeast Asians?

QUORA

Profile photo for Bintar Mupiza

Bintar Mupiza · 

Studied at Universitas Islam Indonesia7y

>Are Vietnamese considered East or Southeast Asians?

Geographically yes it is in Southeast Asia but culturally not Southeast Asians. Why? It’s not like other southeast Asian who have strong Indian influences. Vietnamese culture is close to Chinese and other East Asians furthermore they have just ruled their southeast asia’s territory in the past 200 years after defeated Cham. Meanwhile others (Southeast Asians) have been settled for thousands year and create distinct culture in this region apart from South Asia and East Asia.

Burmese (Myanmar), Indonesians, Malaysians, Bruneians, Thais, Cambodians, Laotians are Indianized countries who shared similarities. Take a look on their traditional clothes and lets compare to this Vietnamese

Vietnam

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Which country is the most well-known in Southeast Asia?

QUORA

Profile photo for Peng Peng Zheng

Peng Peng Zheng · 7y

I see Asia as a collective rather than individual countries

I would say that each major country in Southeast Asia has some unique history and is little known for something.

Vietnam-Former communist powerhouse that defied the USA in the famed first Vietnam war. Today, Vietnam is still one of the largest nation in SEA with much economic potential.

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Which country in Southeast Asia has the brightest near future, say 20 years from today? How about the darkest future? Which country and why?

Lakan Araw, Studied Filipino Language Arts (Graduated 2025), Updated 4y. QUORA

[ From all the articles I’ve written regarding SE Asian economics, here’s how I will arrange the top 5 SE Asian countries that I think will have the most productivity in the next 20 years ]

  1. Viet Nam
  2. Indonesia
  3. Philippines
  4. Laos
  5. Myanmar

Gaza boycotts batter American fast-food chains in Malaysia, Indonesia

business-standard.com

Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s suffer sales slumps as Gaza war boycotts continue across Asia, boosting local and Palestinian brands

Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s suffer sales slumps amid Gaza war boycotts

Gaza boycotts batter fast-food chains Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s and other US brands in Malaysia and Indonesia | Photo: PexelsVasudha Mukherjee New Delhi

In Malaysia and Indonesia, some of the biggest names in fast food — Starbucks, KFC, Pizza Hut, and McDonald’s — are still struggling to recover from the financial hit caused by boycotts sparked by the war in Gaza, according to a report by Nikkei Asia.

Steep sales drops for US fast food chains in Malaysia

In Malaysia, Starbucks operator Berjaya Food reported an 18 per cent year-on-year revenue drop in early 2024, with net losses widening to 37.2 million ringgit (US $9 million). Its share price has fallen another 15 per cent this year. The chain has leaned on heavy localisation efforts — drinks curated by Malaysian baristas, locally designed merchandise, and menu items by a popular local chef — but store managers expect the total number of outlets to shrink from 350 to under 300 by 2026.

QSR Brands, which runs KFC and Pizza Hut, swung from a pre-tax profit of 49.6 million ringgit in 2023 to a 66.2 million ringgit loss in 2024. It has cut prices, pizzas as low as 5 ringgit, stressed its halal credentials, and hired more local staff to appeal to customers.

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Fast and dubious: How electric cars are tiring the Mekong – Xe điện phát triển nóng đang bào mòn Mê Kông

mekongeye.com

This five-part series explores how the acceleration of electric vehicle adoption could increase the demand for rubber—a commodity that has historically driven deforestation and land grabbing across the Mekong region. Experts say the EV transition will boost rubber demand, as EVs need specialized tires that can bear heavier vehicle weight and high torque.

This matters to the Mekong region. Our data analysis shows that Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand, and Viet Nam together supply nearly 50% of the world’s natural rubber. About 70% of global rubber goes into tires. Without effective traceability in place, deforestation and land conflicts, many of which are ongoing and affecting the lives and livelihoods of local communities—are unlikely to be solved.

Story by Mekong Eye’s investigation team
This series was produced in partnership with Earth Journalism Network and the Pulitzer Center

Electric vehicles (EVs) are on the rise — from Bangkok to Hanoi to Vientiane — promising a cleaner future as part of the global shift to clean energy, with more than 17 million electric cars sold worldwide in 2024.

But there is still a cost to pay for these ‘green cars’. With their heavier battery weight and higher torque, EVs wear out their tires faster than gasoline-powered cars, and therefore consume more tires throughout their lifetime.

In every tire is natural rubber, the key raw material that ensures durability, elasticity and strength.

The growing demand for EV tires has had significant implications for the Mekong region — Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, Thailand and Viet Nam — which produces about 50% of the world’s natural rubber and hosts major plants for multinational tire manufacturers and EV makers.

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Chủ tịch nước Lương Cường sẽ gặp lãnh đạo các nền kinh tế APEC, tập đoàn hàng đầu thế giới

Đậu Tiến Đạt, 28/10/2025 21:58 GMT+7, VNEpress

Chủ tịch nước Lương Cường sẽ có các hoạt động tiếp xúc với nhiều lãnh đạo các nền kinh tế APEC, gặp gỡ lãnh đạo các tập đoàn, doanh nghiệp hàng đầu thế giới, qua đó góp phần làm sâu sắc quan hệ song phương với các đối tác, huy động các nguồn lực phục vụ mục tiêu phát triển kinh tế – xã hội của đất nước. Tiếp tục đọc “Chủ tịch nước Lương Cường sẽ gặp lãnh đạo các nền kinh tế APEC, tập đoàn hàng đầu thế giới”

Vì sao băng nhóm tội phạm Crypto ở Đông Nam Á nở rộ –  Why scam gangs in Southeast Asia are a growing global threat

Griffith.edu.au May 19, 2025 By Dr Hai Thanh Luong

From fake job offers to cryptocurrency fraud and online romance scams, Southeast Asia has become a global hub for transnational scam operations. 

These aren’t isolated crimes, they are organised, cross-border and industrial-scale criminal enterprises that exploit vulnerable people and expose the limits of international law enforcement.

New research shows this surge in scams represents more than just a regional issue. It’s a transnational emergency, and it demands an urgent, coordinated response.

Why Southeast Asia?

Several factors have turned Southeast Asia into a hotbed for scam syndicates. 

The collapse of rule of law in parts of Myanmar has created ungoverned spaces where criminal operations flourish. 

Meanwhile, countries like Cambodia, Laos and the Philippines offer a fertile environment for transnational crime due to weak governance, corruption, and limited oversight.

These scam centres don’t just target foreign victims. They also lure and trap workers—many of them young people from poorer nations—under the false promise of legitimate employment. Once inside, many are subjected to forced labour, abuse and trafficking.

This has become a humanitarian crisis as scam compounds across Southeast Asia have held thousands of people against their will, forcing them to commit fraud under threat of violence.

The rise of digital technologies has only made these operations harder to trace and easier to scale. From encrypted messaging to unregulated cryptocurrency, scam networks have globalised rapidly, while enforcement efforts remain stuck behind borders.

Why national responses aren’t working

One of the key challenges in confronting this crisis is the fragmented nature of law enforcement. 

Scams that begin in one country can target victims in another, while using platforms, payment systems, and communication tools hosted across multiple jurisdictions.

But many national police forces are not equipped to act beyond their borders. And transnational criminal syndicates have exploited the lack of international coordination to operate with relative impunity.

Even where political will exists, legal mismatches and diplomatic bottlenecks prevent timely investigations, arrests or prosecutions. 

Countries tend to focus inward, launching isolated crackdowns that fail to dismantle the broader networks.

This mismatch between the global nature of the threat and the localised nature of responses is precisely what allows these scams to thrive.

What needs to happen

To seriously confront this growing criminal economy, regional governments must prioritise coordinated responses, cross-border investigations, and robust intelligence sharing.

This includes:

  • Building shared databases and real-time intelligence channels to track trends, suspects and operations;
  • Developing harmonised legal tools to enable prosecutions and asset recovery across jurisdictions;
  • Working with tech and financial platforms to shut down scam infrastructure;
  • Protecting and rehabilitating victims, particularly those trafficked into scam compounds.

ASEAN, Interpol, and UNODC all have a role to play. But meaningful cooperation remains patchy, slow and overly politicised. Tackling scams as a global crisis, not just a regional one, will require serious investment and political leadership.

A crisis we can’t ignore

Scams are often dismissed as digital annoyances or consumer issues. 

The response to this crisis cannot be local, slow or siloed. The fight against transnational scams cannot be won in isolation. 

Only by working together can states dismantle the criminal networks exploiting the region’s vulnerabilities.

But what we are seeing in Southeast Asia is a complex ecosystem of transnational organised crime, often underpinned by exploitation and violence.

Billions of dollars are being stolen. Thousands of people are being trafficked and abused. And public trust in digital systems is eroding as scams become more sophisticated.

“Một loại ung thư” – UN cảnh báo tập đoàn tội phạm mạng Châu Á mở rộng khắp thế giới – ‘A cancer’: UN warns Asia-based cybercrime syndicates expanding worldwide

Al Jazeera

Agency says gangs caused $37bn in losses in Asia as they gain new footholds in Africa, South America, and Middle East.

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